Phenomenon Le Pen. Where did France come from leaders in France? National Front (France)
French nationalism within eowing
Zhirnova Anna
IN modern world Global nationalism is gaining increasing revolutions every year. This is due not only to the distribution of nationalist sentiment in the EU countries (primarily in France, Germany, Great Britain), which has become stately explicitly floating election in the European Parliament. In each country, the growth of nationalism has different reasons, however, there are some. Now the world moves from a unipolar world order to a multipolar, in which the driving and mobilizing forces of poles and regional players creates nationalism. The second reason is the lack of opportunity to stop the reaction that grows out of the mood of the people against neoliberal cosmopolitis of globalization and its denial of the national state.
German, French and other national identities sharply resist the project to create an "European nation" or the people of the United States of Europe, "a fairly strong wing within the EU is aimed at the weakening of national states and identities. This resistance manifests itself not only in the results of recent elections. But the most interest is the movement of nationalism in France, where this ideology makes the party National Front.
The French National Front is the largest and most successful extremely right party of Europe. The previous leader of the Jean-Marie Leon Party has achieved great success in 2002, going into the second round of the presidential elections. In 2011, there was a change in the leader of the National Front. The creator of the Jean-Marie Le Pen's party as Chairman changed his daughter - Marin Le Pen, which in the presidential elections gathered 17, 9% of votes - best result Electoral indicator in the history of the National Front.
Marin Le Pen is a sample of a successful woman who has produced some changes in the party of his father. It embodies the "new right radicalism" in France. Like her father, she considers himself an incoming politician - a politician who declares the war of the traditional elite of the country. This inconsistency is expressed in the fact that Ms. Leo Pen is not afraid to speak such "unacceptable" topics as immigration, crime in immigrant medium, the growth of Islamic fundamentalism and euro dependence. In general, we can say that the old right radicals focus on antimmigration policies, and their ideology has xenophobic. In turn, the new extreme right pay more attention to the phenomenon of Islamic fundamentalism and the planting of its traditions in Western society. They also give special meaning Conservation of national sovereignty within the framework of European institutions and issues that arise in connection with the deepening of European integration.
Marine Leon seeks to form his own electorate and abandon the reputation of the "protest vote" party. Like her father, Ms. Leo Pen has a bright personal charisma. However, its performances are more weighed and less emotional. For its statements are characterized by clear argumentation and logic. After it comes to the post of Chairman of the NF, there is an increase in the popularity of the party. This conclusion can be made, firstly, according to the results of the regional elections of 2011, in which the NF received 15.2% of the votes of the voters (in previous elections, the party scored 12%), secondly, according to the results of the presidential election 2012, on which Marine Leon Pins scored 17.9% of the votes. This result was the best for the leader of the National Front in the entire history of the party's existence.
This success is extremely right policies become a direct consequence of the fact that Ms. Leo Pen is not shy in expressions and calls things by their own names. It describes the reality of those terms and words that correspond to reality. The second cause of the support of Mrs. Le Pen is the fact that she is absolutely alien to the political elite of Leftoliberal rhetoric, which has nothing to do with real life conventional manuals. For example, if Ms. Leo Pins believes that in immigrant areas, the crime rate is higher than on average in the country, she speaks directly, without trying to clothe his words into a soft political appropriate form. Thus, the middle class people are paying attention to it, for which this question is particularly relevant. The so-called "non-systemization" of the leader of the NF cannot but attract the part of the voters, which has lost confidence in the traditional political forces of France. Its popularity is growing even more in conditions of a protracted economic crisis, stagnation, unemployment. In the course of his presidential campaign, Ms. Leo has repeatedly declared the need to refuse euros and return to national currency - Frank. From her point of view, the creation of the EU and a single currency space has led to the fact that all the elder participants have lost their sovereignty, gradually transferring it to European technocrats, which not only do not listen to the opinion of the population, but also harm to ordinary citizens with their policies. By convincing Marin Le Pen, globalization and the EU as its manifestation, initially carry conflict potential. It explains that globalization establishes hard laws and conditions of fierce competition in the work area, requiring a constant reduction in costs and finding new resources. France - the structure of Muslim communities The second source of conflict in globalization is, according to the leader of the NF, uncontrolled population migration. Like her father, Marin Le Pen criticizes, first of all, not immigration, as such, and the immigration and ethnocultural policies of the state. In her opinion, the principle of assimilation was replaced by integration, and then integration ousted the complete lack of requirements for visits. It emphasizes that the current ethnocultural policy leads to the distribution of immigrants on the ghetto, where crime and drug trafficking flourishes. With regard to the stay of immigrants in the country, here Marin Leo Pen, like all the leadership of the NF, adheres to the next position: naturalization is possible only if the candidate for citizenship perceives spiritual values, traditions and customs of France, French and principles that are the basic basis of the French civilization. At the same time Marin Le Pen is much more tactical in his statements than her father. According to her, she does not oppose Muslim immigrants as such, but against the radical manifestations of Islam - Islamic fundamentalism. Thus, in the approach of the National Front, there is no racist subtext: people of any racial, ethnic and even religious groups can become citizens of the French Republic, but maybe it is only subject to the formation of them by the French in spirit and culture. But in her opinion, in practice Islam is not compatible with the values \u200b\u200bof France, so to become a citizen of the republic, we will still have to abandon your religion.
The essence of the immigration problem is, according to Marin Le Pen, in the fact that France, and Europe as a whole, create such favorable social conditions that serve as a "magnet", attracting an increasing number of visitors. The head of the Nazinally Front proposes to pursue a policy that will contribute to the solution of this problem, which can "neutralize" these "magnets". It is an integrally condition in which each newly arrived immigrant can calculate only on its own efforts and its own income, and not on benefits and subsidies provided by the developed social system. According to the leader of the NF, now in France, it is better to foreigners than to the indigenous French. Immigrant is sometimes even easier to find a job. Marin Le Ren considers it necessary to increase control over the borders, as well as the abolition of dual citizenship and automatic citizenship for those who were born in France.
Marin Leo Pen has its own plan to solve the problem of immigration. In her opinion, it makes no sense to close the borders and restrain the immigration by police measures. In order to overlap the "Immigrant Magnet", it is necessary to invest in Africa and the Arab East countries - to help people solve their social problems there, create good jobs to have a desire to go to Europe in search of the best share. By the way, Marin Leon became the first one who spoke in France about the existence of such a type of racism, when indigenous residents of the country become progressive. She once commented on the current position of the indigenous French in France. The leader of the NF notes that today in France, any skepticism for immigration is called racism. At the same time, liberal politicians prefer to be silent with hostile terms of many immigrants to indigenous people and their culture. Ms. Leh Pen is not afraid to declare the existence of a coincidence on a map of high crime zones with immigrant areas.
In the consciousness of people, the liberal template was strengthened: if you are against immigration means you are racist. As a result, in France, left-liberal views in immigration policy issues were the basis for the entire political class - not only for the left, but also for the right. Just like her father, Marin Le Pen advocates the tightening of immigration legislation and declares that France should not turn into a caliphate. By convincing the administration of the NF, governments should strictly comply with the principle of secular state. That is why, according to the NF, the construction of mosques at the expense of the state treasury is unacceptable.
Summing up, it can be said that the ideology of the French National Front after the leader's change has evolved slightly. As part of his speeches, Marin Le Pen pays attention to all the same urgent problems. It is important and the shift of emphs in the performances of the new leader of the National Front. This is fairly easily explained by the change in objective socio-economic conditions. If there was an anti-immigration rhetoric at the head of the angle, then, as the economic crisis exacerbates, economic problems were aggravated. And consequently, ashshtitation to the exit from the euro of institutions, since they, according to the leadership of the NF, are the main sources of the economic crisis. It is likely that the National Front has a chance to become one of the main political forces of the country. It is possible that Marin Leo Pen will be able to make real competition to the main candidates for the presidency of the country in future elections. Especially accepting the current rating of French President Francois Holland. Now in the ranks of the party's supporters, those whom they attended the frankly xenophobic rhetoric of its former leader, as well as those who disappointed the policy carried out by Hollystami and Socialists throughout the post-war decades.
National Front Yesterday and today
N.Yu. Vasilyev
French yearbook 2003. M., 2003.
Late on the evening of April 21, 2002, all radio stations and the TV channels of the Old World handed over the news, which shocked tens of millions of people in different countries. The candidate from the extreme right-hand party National Front (NF) Jean-Marie Le Pen during the first round of the presidential election in France scored 17.2% of the votes of voters and therefore continued the struggle for the highest post in the country in the second round, where "face to face" met With the current president of the country Jacques Chirac, who received the support of 19.8% of all the voting French. At the same time, the leader of the French Socialists Lionel Zhepan, who, in early March 2002, remained to be universal surprise, "overboard" the presidential race, which in early March 2002, most analysts, based on the results of public opinion polls, called the "future owner" of the Elysée Palace.
The ghost of ultra-right wanders in Europe
Over the past decade, Europeans have already had to repeatedly collide with the phenomenon of the success of individual ultra-right organizations of a nation-populist sense. Thus, in 1994, C. Berlusconi shaped the government in Italy, which also included representatives of the Italian social movement - the national right-wing forces (ISD - NPS) - the oldest in Western Europe unification of the protashist orientation. Seven years later, in May 2001, the block of this world-famous television signal, which included representatives of the law-revital organizations of the League of the North and the National Alliance, again won the parliamentary elections, and his leader received the next opportunity to form the government.
In October 1999, in the elections to the Austrian Parliament, about a third of all votes of voters received an extremely right nationalist party of freedom, declaring his "related" connection with the Nazi party of Germany immediately after World War II. Her head of J. Hayder has repeatedly publicly declared its pronocyst, anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic and anti-European views, however, this circumstance did not prevent the organization headed by him to achieve last years So significant success at home and actually turn into a second largest political force in Austria.
Another manifestation of this, who has already formed an alarming trend that has already formed in Europe, became an impressive victory of the party of the extreme right Flemis Nationalists "Mozams Block" in the municipal elections in Antwerp (33%) in October 2000 and success in the spring of 2002 in the elections to local authorities in Rotterdam and the Netherlands Parliament of the Netherlands of the Ultra-State Populist Association, headed by a 53-year-old professor of sociology Pim Forette, widely known in the Dutch society with sharp statements to immigrants. However, none of these events caused so many responses, discussions and "emotional surplots" in the world, as the announcement of the official results of the first round of presidential elections in France 2002
NF as a political movement in general and his permanent leader J.-M. Le Pen personally achieved quite serious success in her homeland. Over the past twenty years in Western Europe, there has never been another unification of the extreme right sense, which, according to its weight, the number of supporters and influence in the international arena, could compare with Lependenov. However, the results of the 2002 presidential elections in many ways exceeded the expectations of the French National Populists themselves, and their aged leader is already at sunset life path For the first time, it was able to close to the top of the political Olympus, to which he sought over long decades.
The stunning success of the NF causes a new one to take a look at this movement and his leader. In the thirty years of his political existence, Lepenovtsians did a difficult path from a little famous and uncompressed by the Organization to the party, which turned into a "barometer" of the French democracy and devotion to the French by republican values. What are the basic stages of the life path of the largest in Western Europe to the extreme right association? What is the main cause of his political longevity and such a long success among millions of French voters? And finally, is there any of the leading forces in France in the coming years for the NF to remain in the coming years, while maintaining the previous positions conquered by him earlier in the international arena?
National Front:
The main stages and specificity of becoming
As an independent political movement of the NF, it was founded in October 1972. The initiators of its creation were both former Petinger, activists of Pierre Pierre Pjazhad and ultra-right extremist organizations who were the preservation of the French Algeria, in particular the organization of the secret army (OAS) and representatives of frankly protashist and Pronocyst groupings. After granting the independence of Algeria in 1962, the political influence of the extreme right in France sharply decreased. This was expressed, in particular, in the loss of votes of hundreds of thousands of former voters. And if, for example, in 1958, 2.6% of French voted in the first round of elections to the National Assembly of the country, 10 years later - only 0.1%. It is quite natural that the current situation could not help but cause serious concern among the most far-sighted law-friendly politicians. Therefore, they decided to create a new sample party, viable and active, which could get the support of a significant part of the French. Such a party and became NF.
Special influence inside the NF in the first years of its existence, supporters of the "National-Revolutionary" ideology close to frankly fascist, in particular, representatives created in 1969 of the Right Reloadical Organization " New order" In the ranks of the NF from the end of 1973, and up to their death in 1978, the leader of the French "nationalist revolutionaries" of Francois Duprat was also the leader.
He led the internal Parity Commission on the preparation of NF to elections and edited a significant part of its official documents. This man was one of the most active initiators of the NF. In many ways, thanks to him, the clause of the new movement in the first half of the 1970s, the item was included, which resolved it with members to simultaneously consist in other political organizations, which allowed the leadership of the front to attract the active figures of a number of national revolutionary groups to its side. In this regard, it is surprising and the fact that from the very beginning the symbol of the NF is a three-color flame - almost completely copied, differing only in flowers, the symbol of the Italian social movement - the largest neo-fascist organization in Europe and the "older brother" of the French "National revolutionaries. "
F. Duprat, along with other prominent figures of "New Order", invited the post of Chairman of the NF J.-M. Le Pen, a former active participant in the movement of Pierre Pjazhad, a famous "fighter" for the French Algeria and the head of the election campaign in the presidential election of 1965. Ex-collaboratorsiista Jean-Louis Tikshe-Vignankura. After a serious split, which occurred in the ranks of Tikshe-Vignankura's supporters in 1966, Le Pen was in a kind of political isolation and therefore willingly adopted the proposal of "National Revolutionaries" to lead a new batch.
For the activists of the "New Order", Le Pen as the official head of the NF was convenient, first of all, the fact that among the French ultrasounds used significant authority. In addition, his name was previously not compromised by any major political scandals capable of seriously damaged to him as a policy. And, finally, it was especially important for those who have made a bid of people, within the framework of the French extreme right Le Pen, originally belonged to the wing of "moderate" and was a convinced supporter of participation in parliamentary elections and other democratic forms of political struggle.
Inviting Le Foam to lead the political association created on their initiative, the leaders of the "new order" were naively believed that in the future they would be able to control the actions of this policy and to have a decisive impact on the formation of the ideology of his party. Not by chance, the Vice-Chairman and Secretary General of the NF in 1972 were elected prominent "National Revolutionaries", the activists of the "New Order" Francois Brine and Alan Rober.
Nevertheless, contrary to all expectations, the new chapter of the party turned out to be a "strong nutrition", and after a few months after creating the front it became clear that Le Pen is a completely independent political figure and is not going to be a pawn in someone else's game. By the end of 1973, he displaced the members of the "new order" with leadership posts in motion, replacing them with their supporters. Thus, since 1974, "National Revolutionaries" gradually lost its previous positions in the NF. From among their leaders, only F. Duprat was still in the leadership of the movement, and after his death in 1978, the adherents of the "new order", which made a minority in the NF, were finally lost the opportunity to really affect party politics.
At the same time, speaking of the contribution of "new order" in the formation of NF as a party, it should still be noted that the first political program of this association, adopted in November 1972 and became a certain compromise between revolutionary nationalism and conservatism, was developed with direct participation. And in many respects under the influence of the "National Revolutionaries". Its main provisions made up their favorite themes: the protection of small trade and small property, the struggle against major capital, oppressing most of the ordinary French, as well as the choice of the new, third, ideological way, which would have different from Marxism, which gives the primary role of struggle classes and from liberal ideology that protects the interests of monopolies.
The first NF program has already contained proposals and to solve the problem of immigration: the government should immediately adopt the toughest measures to terminate the inflow to France from the third world countries, which represent the "wild minority", which is not capable of assimilation and bearing the threat of national identity of the indigenous French . However, in the mid-1970s, the problem of immigration was not yet so relevant for French society, as in the 80s - 90s, so the first program of the front, close to its ideas to programs directly by fascist organizations, did not find a response from the French . In 1974, Le Pen participated in the first for him as the policy of the presidential election and scored only 0.7% of the vote in the first round, which meant not just a personal failure of the chairman of the NF, but also testified to the full improtection of the former ideological course of the extreme right. From the second half of the 70s, Lepenov's movement begins to gradually move away from use in its propaganda of frankly extremist slogans, ceases to be discovered with fascist organizations and takes a course to create a republic's image that adheres to a more moderate ideological orientation.
In his second socio-economic program (1978), the NF made a maximum restriction of the role of the state in the economy, freedom of entrepreneurship and for the abolition of social protection of immigrants living in France. The same ideas were based on the basis of the "National-populist" doctrine developed by Lepenovites, which throughout the subsequent time was the main ideological concept of the party. In the 80s - 90s, the conceptual base of "National populism" was constantly expanding, thanks to the coming in the NF representatives of various extremely right currents, but its initial ideological settings remained unchanged.
However, the adoption by Lepenov movement is fundamentally new for him, the socio-economic doctrine at first practically did not affect the electoral results of the party. On the contrary, period 1978-1981. It is considered in this respect the most "unhappy" for NF. In March 1978, he put forward 156 candidates in the elections to the National Assembly, Lepenovtsy received only 0.29% of votes in the first round. A year later in the elections to the European Parliament, they were not able to spend there any of their supporters. And, finally, in the black "for the front of 1981, Le Foam did not even manage to assemble the necessary number of signatures in order to put his candidacy in the presidential election, and the representatives of the NF were received immediately following them in the National Assembly. % of votes of voters, which became one of the lowest rates of popularity of the extreme right in France, since 1958 it seemed that the NF was doomed to the rapid political oblivion and gradual dying, but the next few years have completely denied these forecasts, turning the leprenels to one of the most powerful Forces within French society and making them the flagship of all ultra-right Western Europe.
Fast disappointment of the French in the policy of the left government formed first in the history of the fifth republic by the President of the Socialist Francois Mitteran, and the deep crisis, in which the party-political system since the mid-1970s has existed since 1958, increased significantly in the 80s Electoral database "National populists". At this time, many citizens of France, facing serious social and economic problems, lost faith in the ability of traditional parties and movements to correct the situation. Especially strong disappointment caused the activities of the French Communist Party (FCP), which actually turned into an "ideological and political bankrupt". And if before the so-called protest electorate, displeased with the existing order of things, voted mainly for the Communists as for the power capable of "destroying" this order, now in the eyes of most French women lost its previously "critical measurement" and ceased to be a "main fighter" With injustice. Part of the potential voters of FCP, disappointed by the "classic" left, began to look for the "new Savior" of France in the environment of "non-traditional" political movements and, ultimately, was in the camp of the extreme right. For NF, as fairly noticed at one time, the largest researchers of the Lepenov movement E. Capture and A. Rollya, the strategic crisis of FCP released in the folk environment and in the working municipalities previously controlled by the Communists, some social niche, discovering the opportunity to use the displeasure of the public unemployment, high-cost , urbanization, lack of a sense of security and other problems.
At the same time, in the 80s, the flow of immigrants from the third world in Western Europe has increased significantly. The French are one of the first in the old world "face to face" faced this serious problem. Thus, in 1982, foreigners permanently residing in France were 6.8% of the total population, and most of them were natives not a European continent, and people from Arab states, Black Africa and Southeast Asia. And although by the beginning of next decade, this figure decreased somewhat (6.4% in 1990), it was during these years that the nature of the political discussion in French society on the problem of immigration has changed quite a lot. If in the mid-1970s, this problem was considered in a socio-economic aspect: first of all, in connection with the growth of unemployment and an increase in crime, in subsequent years, its discussion focused mainly on such very specific issues as the definition of the national identity of the French, civilian Code of the Republic and the struggle for the civil rights of the Nephrantsuz population of the country.
NF, still in his first program, drawing attention to immigration as a serious problem, was in the 80s in the forefront of opponents of the "Emancipation" of immigrants, seeing in them "Violence Speakers", "Promptists of workplaces" and "insatiable beggars". In the 80s, immigration became the central theme of the entire political discourse of Lepenovtsev, which made millions of indigenous French, dissatisfied with their socio-economic position, take a fresh look at this party and give her their voices in the elections. In June 1984, opposedly in the history of Western European elections to the European Parliament under anti-immigrant slogans and under the motto "For National Europe!", NF gained about 11% of the vote and received 10 deputies from 81 enshrined in France. This success became the first major political victory of the French extreme right, which also had also symbolic meaning: For the first time since the time of "Puzadism", they were able to overcome 10% in the elections and at the same time, to significantly bypass their "older brother" - Italian social movement. Since then, the electoral rating of Lepenovtsev almost never fell below this barrier and on average amounted to 3-4 million votes.
In the 80s, the ideological course of "new right" - members of the GRES and especially "Orchers" (activists of the Club Orchesk) begins to be a significant impact on the ideology of the Lepenov Organization. Their prominent representatives of I. Blo and J.I. Le Gaul has entered the NF to be able to actually participate in political struggle and realize their ideas in practice. It is thanks to them in the discourse, the NF appeared references to the "objective natural differences between individuals and human race", the cultural superiority of the European civilization over all other world civilizations, as well as the extremely detrimental impact of American cultural expansion in Western Europe.
True, "new right" has not been able to bring its negative attitude to Christianity to the ideology of the NF, which they consider the factor in the destruction of the national identity of European peoples, opposing the cult of paganism. This failure of "new right" was due primarily to the fact that along with them "Catholics-integrists", especially the "Solidarity Christianity" movement, which took control of the printed part of the printed circulation in the NF from the end of the 70s Front editions, such as PRÉSENT magazine. Supporters of this ideological flow are considered by the apology of "paganism" as a detrimental heresy that needs to be mercilessly to fight. In their opinion, the preservation of the national identity of the French is inextricably linked with Catholicism, therefore in the past 20 years inside the NF "Integratists" and "new right" led among themselves to the rally struggle for the decisive influence on the development of the general ideological concept of the party. However, externally, in the face of its political opponents, lepenovtsum still manage to maintain the image of their movement as a monolith, which is not known any internal friction or disagreement.
In the mid-80s, the NF announced himself the only alternative to both the left and right parties and called on the French to implement the "second french revolution", In the course of which all real power would move into the hands of the people and in the country there would be a new," sixth republic "of an authoritarian type, based on the principle of direct democracy. At the same time, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe need to introduce the principle of "national preferabity" in France, according to which jobs and social assistance should be provided, first of all, "real French" ("to their"), and not immigrants (" strangers "). The latter, according to the extreme right, is to blame for existence high level Crime and unemployment, and therefore are subject to violent expulsion to their homeland. And according to the ideology of the NF, not only the "white" citizens of the country can be attributed to the first category of people, but also representatives of all other races and ethnic groups, provided that they consider France their homeland, they live according to her customs, are raised on its culture and What is the most important thing, put the interests of its inhabitants above all other interests. The same Frenchs who support the influx of immigrants into the territory of the Old World as a whole and France in particular, who share the ideas of cosmopolitans and advocates strengthening the role of supranational structures in Western Europe, from the point of view of Lepenovtsev, the "internal enemies" of their own people and, therefore "Do not have the right to consider yourself part of the Great French nation."
The emergence of such ideas in the political propaganda of the NF of the second half of the 80s significantly increased the number of its supporters. And if at the beginning of the specified decade in its ranks, only a few thousand activists consisted in its ranks, already in the early 1990s, according to the most modest estimates of French political scientists, more than 45 thousand members were included in the NF. Moreover, according to the statements of the heads of the front himself, these data are lowered by at least twice, and it really consists of 0.2% of France voters.
In the 90s, the position of the French "National Populists" in the country's political arena even more strengthened. During this period, the special sound in their ideological discourse acquired the themes of the declining role of the European continent in the world politics and the crisis of the national identity of Europeans due to the "flood" of the old world by representatives of the "alien" its indigenous residents of national cultural communities. The arguments about the "sunset of Europe" from the very beginning were present in the political paradigm of the NF, but the real return from the "operation" of this problem in its daily propaganda of French extreme right began to receive only in the late 80s - early 90s, when the process of Western European integration Overhead high Development. The desire for the development of the EU member states of a single foreign policy, coordination of their national policies in the field of social sphere, culture, health care, ambient etc., as well as the emerging trend towards the community expansion, actually divided Europeans into two hostile camps - supporters and opponents of the construction of "United Europe". In France, the main political support of the latter was NF. As a result, by the end of the 90s, every fourth Frenchman who had the right to vote, at least once he already supported the election of candidates from the NF, and 15% of all citizens of the republic, according to public opinion polls, consistently wanted greater success of le foam as a policy. Moreover, to the surprise of many political scientists, in recent years, French extreme right began to conquer sympathies of even those social sections of society and those regions of the country, which, in logic, things would have to be hostile to their ideology.
The international cooperation:
In "Freedom" (Ukraine)
Euroskepticism
The NF was one of those parties that opposed the ratification of the European Constitution in 2005. According to Le Pen, France should not enter into any international organizations that will limit French sovereignty in making political decisions. So NF protrudes with the sharp criticism of the current European integration policy, "turning Europe to a certain federation under the command of the new world order." In contrast to this model, the French right offers the version of the "Europe of Nations" or the "Europe of one hundred flags", which suggests the preservation of national states within the framework of the pan-European cultural space, and not a single strictly unified state.
Regional elections 2010.
Also NF received representative offices in the regions: Languedoc-Roussillon (10 of 66), Picardia (8 out of 57), Central region (7 seats), Lorraine (10 of 73), Rhone-Alpes (17 of 157), Burgundy, Champagne- Ardennes, Upper Normandy.
In general, the most active National Front was supported in the Mediterranean regions of the country, where the most important share of the immigrant population. The party was less than all the vote in the western regions and the capital Il de France, where the NF failed to overcome 10-12% barrier.
Parliamentary and presidential elections 2012
After an unexpected success in the presidential election of 2012, the leader of the Marin Le Pen Party, where she scored almost 18% of the vote, the National Front could count on a high result in the election in the lower chamber of parliament. In the elections held on June 17, the NF was able to delegate only two deputies to the National Assembly, and the party's leader itself could not win the second round, losing the candidate from the socialists Philip Kaml. But, she was successful to her niece, 22-year-old Marion Marel-Le Pen, who also became the most young deputy in the lower chamber.
Notes
Literature
- Program of the National Front (for elections to the Legislative Assembly of France, June 1997) (Russian translation, published in the magazine "Golden Lion")
- Bunin I. M. Le Pen and the National Front in France. M. Inion 1987.
- Bunin I. M. Phenomenon Le Foam. // World Economy and international relationships. - № 8 - 1989.
- Vasilyeva N. Yu. National Front Yesterday and today // French Yearbook 2003. M., 2003.
- Vasilyeva N. Yu. Ultra-right France and European Construction // World economy and international relations. - 2001. - № 10 - p. 98-107.
- Potemkin O. Yu. "France for the French" (Le Pen and National Front in the 80s) // working class and contemporary. peace. - M., 1990. - № 1. - P. 75-78.
- Tevdoy-Burmuli A. I. Right radicalism in Europe // Modern Europe. - 2005, No. 4.
Links
| Political parties France | ||
|---|---|---|
| Right parties | Movement for France (MPF) Union for People's Movement (UMP) Radical Party Combination for France (RPF) National Center for Independent and Agrrays (CNIP) | |
| Party Center | Democratic Movement (Modem) New Center (NC) Liberal Alternative (AL) | |
| Left parties | Left Front of France (Left Party (PG) Unitary Left (GU) Communist Party (PCF) Republic and Socialism (RS) Communist Party of Works France (PCOF)) Progressive Party (LP) Radical Left Party (PRG) Republican and Civil Movement (MRC ) Socialist Party (PS) Modern Left (LGM) | |
| Extreme right parties | National Front (Fn) National Republican Movement (MNR) | |
| Extremely left parties | ||
The French are not so many nationalists as they have a reputation of nationalists associated with their mentality. They can call themselves antipatrix, complaining that France irrevocably lost their former fame and shine, and, smoothing, stuck her ears, barely having walked "Marcelase." But even such conservatives that France are dismisted with small and unworthy rulers and modern ingredients, like same-sex marriages, will not be renewed from the great history of their homeland. They will certainly agree with the thesis that France was for a long time was the most advanced country, a pillar of civilization and law. In the United States, a young country, which was started with a net sheet, smart and talented leaders wrote a constitution and built statehood on the covenants of French enlighteners. French cuisine and French spirits are recognized as the best all over the world. The French do not just believe that they gave the world a lot of great scientists and writers, "in their presentation, they reinforced the foundations of the world, creating everything that only in it the most important and advanced, be it pasteurization, braille font, the overall European market or human rights. The French have a lot of other reasons for national pride, which makes no sense to list here.
Of course, an extremely important edge of French national Character It is a colonial mentality, still not fully buried. But, unlike the colonial mentality of other Western peoples, the French mentality also assumes a primary role in Europe. After all, and the conquest of Europe by Napoleon from her conquest Hitler is characterized by the fact that before Napoleon, Europe bent both before the civilizer and the enlightenment, and not as before the bloody savage - at least in understanding the French, who consider Napoleon a planetary important and extremely positive figure. According to these shades of catchy, why the main component of the colonial mentality of the French is French: France has always claimed cultural and ideological domination, and not even so much to domination, as the "recognized and undeniable" superiority of ideas and tastes, the intellectual championship. By the way, it is to Napoleonic history that the emergence of the term "chauvinism" is tasting, too in France.
In modern political measurement phenomenon french nationalism It is customary to communicate with the "National Front" party led by Marin Le Pen. This is not exactly accurate. On the one hand, the main promise of Le Pen, who makes it and its batch so popular, - to give the French work - it is based on a nationalist approach: she plans to do this by coming out of the European Union and driving immigrants. The first will require to completely rebuild the economy, orienting it on the inner manufacturer, who, with Le Pen, as she promises, will receive all sorts of guarantees and privileges, the second will release jobs and remove the load from the budget. On the non-evalcial presidential elections for Marin Le Pen, those who suffered from unemployment and their own eyes saw that neither the left, nor the right wing of political mainstream could be cope with this problem. In addition, there are also those who cherish the dream about the return of France of Europe's locomotive status, which has passed to Germany and the reputation of prosperous and advanced countries, with relative world performance of the standard of living and the purchasing power of the memorable era of "glorious thirtieth anniversary". Of course, Marin Le Pen is the most successful politician of France, playing a card of economic protectionism.
At the same time, the figure Marin Le Pen and especially her father is very clearly demonstrating the difference between political nationalism and nationalism as a feature of a national character. Why is the party Le Pen believed to be marginal, neuropean, if the French are nationalists? Very simple: she wants to burn France from the world and Europe, and this will not like to do so many of those who believe that France should be an open country that spreads their ideas and achievements in which the main national superiority of the French. This is the classic interpretation of French nationalism, equally divided by the right and left part of political mainstream, while lepenevsky nationalism in a large part of the population is associated with fascism.
French nationalism has two varieties, and both of them differ significantly from the Liberal Anglo-Saxon model.
The first version of French nationalism can be called "extreme right" or "conservative". In it, the main emphasis falls on the unity of the state, the centralism of management, strengthening the vertical of the authorities.
This nationalism is associated with the direction that interprets statehood in a fundamentally conservative key (de Mistra and Louis de Bonald, later the royalists Charles Mors and Leon Dodé, etc. right up to the modern nationalist Jean-Marie Le Pen).
This course considers France as a state, culture, religious and political education (including the royal dynasty) by the highest value (according to the Catholic tradition, France is considered to be "the eldest daughter of the Church"), which should be protected, strengthen, store from external and internal enemies. For conservative nationalism, the inner enemy is no less dangerous than the external - it includes liberals, socialists, liberals, "strips of foundations", internationalists, later imagrangians, etc. Such nationalism is completely and next to pianicism and has an obvious Catholic lining. You can call it "right nationalism." Obviously, in its main parameters, it is directly opposite to the nationalism of the Anglo-Saxon.
In parallel, the nationalism of "right" there is a different version - the nationalism "extreme left". It goes back to Jacobinians * - the most radical elements of the Great French Revolution.
He originated in the revolutionary environment and set it a goal to mobilize the French society immersed in Chaos to reflect external enemies. But, unlike liberal nationalism, he focused class, labor, almost the socialist nature of France, the struggle for which, defending the interests of which was realized as the universal case of the disadvantaged masses who took freedom and equality for themselves and fell under the blow of predatory feudal regimes based on slave and operation . Jacobin nationalism had socialist, partly the communist features, it was the nationalism of the lowest class.
Many features of the "left" Jacobin nationalism made itself felt in the Soviet period in Russia: the phenomenon of "Soviet patriotism" fits organically into the Jacobin line. It should be noted that the left nationalism in its origins was anti-liberal and antiburnuisan - in contrast to the position of the girondists and other more moderate fractions of revolutionaries. But it was anti-liberalism on the left.
